Monday, February 22, 2010

Why one bird in hand is better!

k. m. birla is at a crossroads – to combine or not to combine is the question. neha saraiya states the raison d’ĂȘtre behind the best possible option...

Imagine a young CEO, who happily acquires a 51% stake in L&T’s cement division (named as Ultratech) for a whopping Rs.22 billion and then soon after sends a letter to his board of management warning them about the bumpy road ahead... That is Kumara Mangalam Birla, a man who had apprehensions about the problems that the massive year-2004 acquisition would cause to the company in the long run. Even as many woke up with the hangover from that deal, there was another major announcement from Grasim Industries on June 11, 2009 – a further purchase of 11.5% stake in L&T Cement! Surprisingly, all went well and in fact much better than expected... That was five years back.

It’s 2009, and the 42 year-old Birla is faced with another question – should he combine his brainchild Grasim Cement with the foster child Ultratech? The move to merge the entities will definitely make the duo, the largest player in India’s cement industry, with an annual combined production capacity of 42 million tonnes, overtaking others in its ilk, which includes biggies like ACC, Gujrat Ambuja, et al. But what if structural issues actually creep into this process of consolidation? Before answering that, taking a look at the company’s performance during FY2008-09 becomes important. The company which has a host of businesses under its umbrella (including Viscose Staple Fabric – VSF, cement, chemicals, textiles, iron ore, et al) recorded a net profit of Rs.21.87 billion, with top line collections of Rs.18.04 billion.

So, while the bottom line fell by 5% as compared to the previous year, what makes Birla happy is the fact that revenues of his main cement business grew by a double-digit 13% y-o-y, touching 20 million tonnes in capacity. Of course, the infrastructure development thrust given by the Indian government helped, but the question stands – are the other eggs in his basket worrying Birla? Admits Adesh Gupta, Group Exec. President and CFO, Grasim Industries in an exclusive conversation with B&E, “Despite higher energy cost and the economic slowdown, cement business maintained its operating profit in FY’09. However, our VSF business was adversely impacted by the global slowdown and spiralling input costs.” Rightly so, the VSF and sponge iron businesses have proved laggards for the company, as the average VSF realisations fell by as much as 17% y-o-y, while sponge iron’s fell by 30% y-o-y. The major reason for this dip has been reduced consumer spending & increase in raw material costs.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Wednesday, February 17, 2010

Reinvigorating the ‘port of good hope’

When Jawaharlal Nehru laid the foundation stone of the kandla port, the vision was truly a grandiose one. while one cannot deny the achievements of this port, Akram Hoque of B&E also warns of critical shortcomings

Gandhidham, a small city in Gujarat, bears tesimony to what ports can contribute. Around 350 km from Ahmedabad and 1101 km from New Delhi, it would have been just like any one of those hundreds of cities in India that you possibly wouldn’t hear about in a span of a lifetime. The reason why it isn’t, is quite evident from a near unnoticeable signboard I come across as I step into the city from the railway station. It says, “Kandla Port Trust welcomes you.” In Gandhidham, this is not merely a corporate branding initiative. It actually is an apt reminder of how much the Kandla port means to the city. Alhough the Kandla port was commissioned in the year 1930 by Maharao Khengarji III (the ruler of the then princely state of Kutch), it was the great visionary Sardar Patel who realized the need to explore the possibility of establishing a deep-sea port to cater to the vast hinterland. And Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru laid the foundation stone for the new port of Kandla in 1952 with a mission to make it a major logistics hub, which would render professional, cost effective and value added services to its customers. Some of its defined objectives were to provide efficient and economical port services, create facilities of international standards and facilitate quicker turnaround of vessels, besides pursuing a slew of social development and environment friendly initiatives.

As per official data, the cargo handling capacity went up by 11.29% in 2008-09 and reached 72.22 million tonnes per annum against 64.89 million tonnes in 2007-08; the highest-ever cargo throughput by any Indian port. The management aims to scale it up further to 100 mtpa by 2012. It also handled the highest amount of crude oil at 35 mt in 2008-09, as compared to 20.27 mt in 2007-08.

The Kandla port also has some major strategic advantages. Firstly, a vast hinterland of 1 million sq. km. can be easily accessed from Kandla. Secondly, it has the highest Liquid Storage capacity in the country. Thirdly, tropical and dry climate conditions with scanty rainfall enable relatively uninterrupted operation around the year. And most importantly, it is the nearest to Middle East and Europe. Omprakash Dadlani, PRO of Kandla Port Trust, tells me, “All these strategic advantages have made us one of the best and highly demanded ports in India. We have recently been honoured with the ‘Best major port of the year’ award for 2008-09 by the Ministry of Commerce.”
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Tuesday, February 16, 2010

This tryst with destiny continues to unfold...

Free market fundamentalists love to deride and denigrate the ‘state’ & the public sector in india. why they are both wrong and dangerous...

A vision doesn’t take too long to become an anachronism. A visionary too can be transformed into a pillar of blunders if history delivers a future that was presumed impossible in the past. When it comes to sterile debates behind ivory towers by academicians, it would not really matter so much. But when debates about the legacy of such visionaries and the visions they spawned have to do with the livelihood and well being of tens of millions, the debates acquire a much more strident note. For the last few decades, this is exactly what has been happening with Jawaharlal Nehru and his vision about the ‘Temples of Modern India’ transforming a former British colony and a wounded civilization into an industrial powerhouse. Most us us have forgotten what Nehru meant when he coined and invoked the term ‘Temples of Modern India’. India’s first Prime Minister had a habit of invoking the term passionately when it was time to inaugurate dams, particularly the Bhakra Nangal dam in Punjab (Wonder what powerful words and phrases Arundhati Roy would use to trash Nehru’s obsession with dams!). In his vision of a modern post-colonial India, Nehru differed dramatically from his mentor Mahatma Gandhi, who wanted to concentrate more on villages rather than dams and factories. Nehru’s vision won the day and spawned what is now ubiquitously known as the Public Sector in India.

Just in case you didn’t know or had forgotten, those was respected industrialists and entrepreneurs like J.R.D Tata who had unveiled a vision for modern India well before the nation gained freedom. Their vision clearly stated that the ‘State’ had to play a key role in pushing industrial and economic growth in the country. Please do not forget that those were the hey days of ‘socialism’ and Stalin (His horrific crimes against humanity were uncovered much later). Please also do not forget that even for those unwaveringly against the ‘Socialist’ vision of the economy, the icon and hero in those days was John Maynard Keynes, the economist who found a solution to the Great Depression that gripped the global economy since 1929.
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Monday, February 15, 2010

Bihar - The turnaround story

The improved law and order situation has led to substantial small-scale private investments

Dr Shaibal Gupta

Member Secretary, Asian Development Research Institute


A failed state run by a venal political elite, a civil society fractured by caste, a dysfunctional bureaucracy that does not police the streets or ensure that teachers attend school and an economic sinkhole bypassed by the economic boom that has transformed the country: that was the general image of Bihar until four years ago.

But new statistics published by the Central Statistics Department of the Union Government presents a completely new picture. Bihar is being seen as a miracle. The state’s economy is growing by 11.44 per cent with its gross domestic product (GDP) in 2008-09, according to the statistics made available by the state’s Directorate of Economics and Statistics, and reproduced on the website of the Central Statistical Organisation (CSO). That’s not all. The state’s GDP at constant (1999-2000) prices also increased by 22 per cent in 2006-07 and by 8 per cent in 2007-08, according to the same source. The statistics show that the state’s output from 2004-05 to 2008-09 grew at a double-digit annual rate, outperforming India as a whole. Is this growth for real? Has the Nitish Kumar government actually done wonders for the state?

Bihar should not be measured in terms of growth trajectory alone. It should be evaluated in terms of qualitative and quantitative functioning of the state structure now. Bihar historically had a non-functioning state. Being part of a zamindari system, the quantum of revenue collection was limited during the British era. In turn, there was limited per capita expenditure in health, education, administration, police, etc. This per capita expenditure, which determines the quality of governance, was not only lowest in the pre-Independence period but remained unchanged even in the post-Independence period. Over and over above, being a zamindari system, there was absence of updating of land records.

In the process, survey and settlement operations were not done on a regular basis in this part of the country. The absence of updating of records was not prevalent in other parts of India, where mainly Ryotwari or Mahalwari system were prevalent.

In the post-Independence period, while Nehru was involved in building national state structure, there were commensurate efforts at provincial level like Kamaraj in Tamil Nadu, Partap Singh Kairon in Punjab and Y.B. Chavan in Maharashtra and Biju Patnaik in Orissa. Unfortunately there was no commensurate effort in Bihar.
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Friday, February 12, 2010

Imagine his plight

On the day of polls, large lines were seen outside booths in Southern districts where as polling in Colombo, UNP’s bastion, was moderate. “He has won the war for us. It will be a betrayal if we don’t vote him,” said M. Udayange, 30, after casting his vote for Rajapaksa in the Wellawetta area of Colombo. JVP’s dedicated cadres tried to make inroads for Fonseka in the interiors but failed miserably. In fact, several of the old-time cadres of both JVP and UNP were seen voting for Rajapaksa. “I was with UNP but I’ll vote for Rajapaksa. Fonseka is trying to divide the nation,” said 60-year-old H. G. Chaturanga outside a polling booth in Ratnapura district. There is definitely a question mark on the future of both the parties as they are losing their cadre and mass base to Rajapaksa. Ranil Wickramasinghe runs the risk of becoming irrelevant.

Political critic Jehan Perera says, “The results have been surprising and unexpected. However, this asymmetrical result has much to do with the asymmetrical campaign that was launched by both the candidates. The incumbent had the entire government machinery at his disposal and he used it to maximum effect as far as spread of propaganda is concerned.”

There is a need to understand the verdict in terms of the dynamics of Lankan politics. The most stunning imagery of the approach in which Northern Tamils analyse polls was given to me by a voter who was born, brought up and worked in the peninsula. He contrasted the jubilation and revelry in the south, following the announcement, with the sense of trepidation and insecurity in the north. While down south, there was a sense of “our government” being voted in, in Jaffna, it was more of a sense of a “Sinhalese government” over which the Tamil people would have limited or no sway at all.

In fact, it was the limited participation of Tamils in their provinces of dominance that sunk Fonseka. Tamil National Alliance (TNA), unarguably the sole representatives of Jaffna Tamils, joined ranks with Fonseka, prior to the elections. The decision did not convince majority of the Tamils who had suffered from the war. Also, limited availability of transportation and sporadic grenade blasts stopped many voters to venture out. “It was more a rational decision than an emotional response. Since Fonseka represented a rainbow coalition, he was more of a national candidate than the president. UNP had the largest block base where JVP has the most politicised and committed cadres,” defends political analyst K Sarveswaran.

But why were Tamils confused? Well, one of its leaders, Douglas Devananda, defected to Rajapaksa. Douglas will gain the most from the spoils. He once drew parallel between Tamil nationalism and cholesterol, saying just as there is good and bad cholesterol, there is good and bad Tamil nationalism and that you need good Tamil nationalism just like the body needs good cholesterol.

“Devananda remains close to the grassroots. He is the right mix of moderate-reformist Tamil nationalism with productive developmental attitude and populist progressivism,” says Dayan Jayatilleka, a pro-Rajapaksa political analyst.

But what changes can his fresh election bring for the Tamil people are pretty unclear. Rajapaksa won’t do much on political front as far as ethnic issues are concerned. In fact he has said that Tamils are not looking for any political package. Also, he is not likely to jeopardise the Sinhalese support he has got.
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

Read these article :-