Turmoil in orissa house

About 28 farmers commit suicide over the past four months

The Opposition Congress members created a ruckus in the Orissa Assembly over the issues of alleged suicides by farmers and the mining scam last week. With pandemonium continuing, the House was adjourned thrice for ten minutes each.

These two major issues are being used by the Opposition to corner the Naveen Patnaik government that has been ruling the state for the last twelve years. Incidentally, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) — the alliance partner of the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) in the initial two elections only to snap ties in the 2009 local polls — has also joined in.

Their leaders leave no chance to highlight the ruling government’s failure in addressing farmers’ problems.

The party known for ignoring Opposition seems to be upset with the latest development in the state. Till date, at least 28 farmers have committed suicide in the state over the past four months of which more than 15 were from the western part of the Orissa — considered the ‘rice bowl’ of the state.

Besides, the government is also in the dock for its role in the Rs 14,000 crore mining scam. The Congress is seeking a CBI probe into the whole episode.

Cornered, the government has rolled out a number of schemes for the farmers whose rabi crop was destroyed by poor rainfall. However, the Congress is not willing to take the government-run rescue mission at face value. They say that the government has not come out with any concrete rescue package for the debt-ridden farmers who are distressed due to crop losses. And they are in such a sad position that they can’t even pay back their debts taken from the local agents.

“The government has no right to remain in power, as it has failed to rescue the farmers of the state. Forget about compensating the debt-ridden farmers, the government should have at least consoled the deceased family members”, BJP state president Suresh Pujari said.

Farmers’ issues has tarnished the clean image of Naveen Patnaik. “Farmers of the state are upset with the chief minister, as he has done little to address their real problems. The government has not added a single inch of irrigated land during its regime. It has neglected the agricultural sector and the farmers are suffering,” Central minister and senior Congress leader Srikant Jena told TSI.

The usual response from the government has been that it would look into the matter.

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

Read these article :-
Delhi/ NCR B- Schools get better
IIPM fights meltdown
IIPM

“It was a truly people’s upsurge”

Subhendu Adhikari, Trinamool Congress MP from Tamluk and son of Union minister of state for Rural Development Sisir Adhikari, talks to Chandrasekhar Bhattacharjee about the people’s revolt against the highhanded policies of the CPI (M). Subhendu defeated CPI (M) heavyweight Laxman Sett in the last Lok Sabha elections What were the challenges you faced in Khejuri?

The CPI (M) men heckled me every time I went there to campaign for my party. They even spat on me, manhandled me and tore my dress. Yet I never contemplated revenge. On the contrary, when the violence broke out our men helped the family members of CPI (M) leaers to reach safe places. We even gave protection to the family of the notorious CPI (M) leader Himangshu Das. Ask his wife and elder brother.

What was the provocation that made you block the entry of five CPI (M) ministers’ into Khejuri?

Allowing them in would have been taking a big risk. Over 12,000 people were out on the streets, recovering firearms and ammunition from CPI (M) party offices. We had earlier told police about the stockpiles, but they remained mute spectators. The recoveries had put the people on edge.

Do you think the people of Nandigram are happy with this development?

It’s not a matter of happiness, but of satisfaction. They are now sure they can sleep well in the days to come, which they have been unable to do since March 14, 2007. The first firearms recovery was made from the house of CPI (M) leader Subrata Kar’s house in Jahanabaad, Khejuri on April 29, 2007. This was a month-and-a-half after the Nandigram massacre. Had police acted at that time there would have been no such people’s upsurge. The police inaction was obviously due to CPI (M) pressure. This upsurge has removed that obstacle. Now even the police can hope to function without fear or favour.

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

Read these article :-
Delhi/ NCR B- Schools get better
IIPM fights meltdown
IIPM

The makings of another disaster?

25 years on, NGOs have failed to sink their differences

NGOs working overtime to wrest justice for the victims of the Bhopal gas tragedy are at loggerheads with each other all of 25 years after the world’s worst industrial disaster shook the city. More than 8,000 people lost their lives and thousands were injured when a deadly methyl isocyanate gas leaked from the Union Carbide plant at midnight on December 1984. After the disaster, a number of forums, groups and different political parties came together to fight to secure justice for the gas leak victims. They formed a common front named Zaharili Gas Kand Sangharsh Morcha. Owing to this organisation’s concerted effort many victims got justice.

But within a few years, infighting surfaced among them regarding the principles and practical approach to work for the victims. Things went from bad to worse six years ago when Champa Devi Shukla and Rashida Bee of Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Stationery Karmachari Sangh were awarded the Goldman Environment Prize by the American Public Association for their relief work among gas victims. The dispute was over the use of the prize money. Rashida Bee claimed that the award was for the individual. But Sunita Shrivastava didn’t accept this, arguing that the prize money should be distributed among the gas victims. Irked by the development, she left the Sangh and founded Bhopal Gas Peedit Stationery Karmachari Morcha. Since then relations between the two has continued to fester.

However, it was expected that on the 25th anniversary of the disaster they would come together. But no such signs are visible. Gas Peedit Nirashrit Pension Bhogi Sangharsh Morcha’s president Balkrishna Namdev says: “It’s difficult to solve these disputes because they believe in different approaches and principles in tackling the crisis. It is a tragedy.”

Sadhna Karnik, convener of Gas Peedit Sangharsh Sahyog Samiti, says: “If clashes and ideological disputes persist even 25 years after the diasaster, then what is the need to have joint programmes? However, on major issues we all are together and make joint efforts to achieve our ends.”

Rashida Bee pointed out that though efforts are still being made for collective action, it is not possible anymore to operate from one platform. But Abdul Jabbar, convener of Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Udyog Sangathan, hasn’t lost all hope. He emphasised that though differences and diputes have cropped up, we are all working for the rights of the gas victims. He expects that everyone will come together once more on the 25th anniversary of the Bhopal gas disaster.

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

Read these article :-
Delhi/ NCR B- Schools get better
IIPM fights meltdown
IIPM

Born on 26/11

TSI Profiles some Indians whose birthday last year was engulfed by death and destruction

Ayear ago, on November 26, India was halted in its tracks by a bunch of bloodthirsty terrorists who sneaked into Mumbai and unleashed mayhem. They opened fire at the CST, killing scores of innocent people, and attacked one of the city's best known landmarks, the Taj Mahal Hotel, besides the Oberoi Trident and Nariman House. By the time they were done, the intruders had left a trail of death and destruction. TSI traces out a few Indians from across the country who were celebrating their birthday that evening. Will they be celebrating their special day this year as well, or will they opt for a quiet day of mourning for all those who lost their lives in the terror attack? Life will go on, as it always does. but it will probably never be the same again!

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

Read these article :-
Delhi/ NCR B- Schools get better
IIPM fights meltdown
IIPM

War & peace - The state vs the Maoists

There is widespread sympathy for the ultras’ cause but none for their methodology

Dr Trinath Mishra

Author of ‘Barrel of the Gun’ – a study of Maoist movements

The Maoists have been waging a relentless armed campaign against the Indian State for the past 42 years. The movement that originated in Naxalbari (West Bengal) aims to bring down the parliamentary form of government and replace it with a proletarian regime. Launched initially to press for land reforms it has, down the years, morphed into a virulent guerrilla campaign. Within just a few years after Naxalism erupted in 1967, it had engulfed large swathes of rural West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and Bihar. But now urban areas – metros like Kolkata and Hyderabad – too are threatened.

It was their disgust with rampant political horse trading and spiraling unemployment that drove these young people to take up arms against the State and their capitalist exploiters. In Naxalism’s early years, a large number of university students, even from professional institutions like engineering and medical colleges, gave up their studies and flocked to the cause. Large areas in these states came under their dominance and for a while it almost appeared that revolution was at the doorstep.

But the campaign was poorly organised and inexpertly led. A large number of criminal lumpen elements jumped on to its bandwagon to legitimise their activities. Moreover the leaders could never agree on which operational method was the most sound. Such disagreements caused several splinter groups to arise, spawning the culture of the personality cult. The State meanwhile got stronger. Political stability at the Centre and in the states enabled governments to launch Operation Steeple Chase and re-establish its authority in the vulnerable areas, and the mindless bloodletting sanctioned by the ultras turned public opinion against them.

Taking full advantage of the political instability of the 80’s and 90’s, the Naxalities re-established themselves in their old areas and used these bases to spread their tentacles in other regions. Under the banner of CPI (Maoist) they succeeded in uniting the various sub groups. The emergence of Maoists as the dominant political force in Nepal gave further boost to their morale.

Amidst all this the government response remained disoriented and disjointed. Naxalism was routinely treated as a ‘law and order’ problem to be tackled by the affected states. This was a mistake, because the police forces were too ill equipped to tackle the situation.

By the end of the last century the Maoists had expanded their influence politically, socially, territorially and economically – and by 2005 they had made their presence felt in 11 states. They remain well entrenched in large parts of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal and Bihar.

The reasons behind the birth and growth of Maoist armed movements are well known, but both Central and state governments looked on passively. A competent anti-Maoist counter would have been to speedily and effectively strengthen Panchayati Raj institutions. This would have empowered the people and isolated the Maoists.

Armed revolutions against the modern state, especially those which have popular sanction, generally fail. To succeed, the revolution would require support from an outside power: direct or proxy invasion by a strong power or a civil war or a coup d’etat. But none of the three appears to be feasible in India. The Maoists, no matter how committed, are no match for the might of the government forces. Indeed they would do well to keep the fate of the LTTE in mind and quickly reform.

But this is not to say that the Maoist movement has not been without some notable achievements. In its own way it has empowered the poorest sections of our population. It has brought women in the forefront of the struggle. It has given voice to the dumb, so that even the sparrow has been turned into a hawk. So now no one can afford to neglect these communities and the areas they live in.

Development by all accounts is the key to solving this problem. The governments have an ambitious blueprint to develop these areas and have set apart a big budget for the purpose. However, since top-ranking Maoist leaders like Ganapati and Kishenji have summarily rejected the offer of negotiations, the sole alternative is to supplement developmental initiatives with an effective and coordinated armed response. As for the Maoist leaders, they urgently need to rethink and amend their strategies. This ‘Red Corridor’ or the ‘Compact Revolutionary Zone – stretching from Tirupati to Pashupati – can’t just be wished away. Yet while there is widespread sympathy and support for their cause, there is none for their methodology.

For Complete IIPM Article, Click on IIPM Article

Source : IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

Read these article :-
Delhi/ NCR B- Schools get better
IIPM fights meltdown
IIPM